Abdullah represents what the government insists it is fighting. He is a Salafist, an adherent to a puritanical Islam, though he disavows the term. To him, Salafists bear arms, and he understands that the moment he and others fire a bullet in Homs or anywhere else, the regime will have the justification it covets to crush them with even more force. But there was no question of his devotion to a state that adheres to Islam as its foundation, and he dismissed the comparatively liberal rhetoric of some Islamic activists, like the Muslim Brotherhood. “They want to satisfy the West, and they don’t want to satisfy Muslims,” he told me the next morning. “They say, ‘We’re a modern Islam.’ But there’s no such thing as modern Islam. There’s Islam, and there’s secularism.” We debated the imposition of religious law and whether Christians and Muslims could intermarry. For the first time since I met him, Abdullah grew angry at me, when I suggested that no Christian or Alawite would subscribe to his vision of the state he would build in the wake of the revolution. He quickly cooled, aware that he shouldn’t show his emotions. At one point, he even suggested that however he might feel, however draconian he believed religious law should be, he was still a minority in the opposition. As much as the activists here talk of unity in the face of government oppression, I often felt as I did in Iraq in those early months after the American invasion in 2003. The more people denied their differences, the more apparent they became. For Iyad, Abdullah and others, there was deep anger at Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite movement that has baldly supported the Syrian regime. That anger had spilled into chauvinism against Shiite Muslims, intensifying the hostility they already felt for Alawites. They understood the importance of nonviolence, but even Abdullah admitted that if Assad fell, sectarian vendettas would erupt in the countryside. One of the young men warned darkly that events “were headed toward violence.”
Ana
Total
Total :
Jumlah Artikel
Diberdayakan oleh Blogger.
-
I have always loved maps and history. Growing up in the USA in the early 60s, the Southeast Asian war gave me the opportunity to learn geog...
-
...if you are very, very rich. (Most mss. of this age and quality are in national or university libraries and are not for sale at any price...
-
In 1388, the Good Duke (Louis of Bourbon) was campaigning on the German frontier. As he besieged a castle, one of the duke's servants, ...
Kamis, 01 September 2011
Langganan:
Posting Komentar (Atom)
Recent
Weekly
-
I have always loved maps and history. Growing up in the USA in the early 60s, the Southeast Asian war gave me the opportunity to learn geog...
-
...if you are very, very rich. (Most mss. of this age and quality are in national or university libraries and are not for sale at any price...
-
In 1388, the Good Duke (Louis of Bourbon) was campaigning on the German frontier. As he besieged a castle, one of the duke's servants, ...
-
I am in the middle of this very interesting book. You might expect that the book would have a lot to say about the history of dividing blac...
-
From the Guardian: Leading foreign academics from the LSE acting as expert advisers to the UK government were told they would not be asked ...
-
I was reading one of Uncle John's trivia books -- which are designed with bathroom readers in mind -- about harmonicas. It listed Ameri...
-
A new translation of this fascinating treatise on horsemanship by a fifteenth-century king. This interview with Jeffrey Forgeng comes from...
-
David Poyer's publisher sent me a proof copy of this book in hopes I would comment on it. I was a little hesitant since it is a "b...
-
Mcleans reports : And then there’s Patrick McGovern, an archaeologist at the University of Pennsylvania who, after analyzing the residue tha...
-
Two experts in the Middle East have been more useful to me than most of the more prominent ones. They are Juan Cole and Joshua Landis. If yo...
0 Comment to "More ominously from Syria"
Posting Komentar